The Life of Joan of Arc
By Anatole France
VOLUME 1 CHAPTER 11
THE MAID AT BLOIS—THE LETTER TO THE ENGLISH— THE DEPARTURE FOR
ORLÉANS
WITH an escort of soldiers of fortune the Maid reached Blois at the
same time as my Lord Regnault de Chartres, Chancellor of France, and
the Sire de Gaucourt, Governor of Orléans.[874] She was in the domain
of the Prince, whom it was her great desire to deliver: the people of
Blois owed allegiance to Duke Charles, a prisoner in the hands of the
English. Merchants were bringing cows, rams, ewes, herds of swine,
grain, powder and arms into the town.[875] The Admiral, De Culant, and
the Lord Ambroise de Loré had come from Orléans to superintend the
preparations. The Queen of Sicily herself had gone to Blois.
Notwithstanding that at this time the King consulted her but seldom,
he now sent to her the Duke of Alençon, commissioned to concert with
her measures for the relief of the city of Orléans.[876] There came
also the Sire de Rais, of the house of Laval and of the line of the
Dukes of Brittany, a noble scarce twenty-four, generous and
magnificent, bringing in his train, with a goodly company from Maine
and Anjou, organs for his chapel, chor[Pg i.244]isters, and little singing-boys
from the choir school.[877] The Marshal de Boussac, the Captains La
Hire and Poton came from Orléans.[878] An army of seven thousand men
assembled beneath the walls of the town.[879] All that was now waited
for was the money necessary to pay the cost of the victuals and the
hire of the soldiers. Captains and men-at-arms did not give their
services on credit. As for the merchants, if they risked the loss of
their victuals and their life, it was only for ready money.[880] No
cash, no cattle—and the wagons stayed where they were.
In the month of March, Jeanne had dictated to one of the doctors at
Poitiers a brief manifesto intended for the English.[881] She expanded it
into a letter, which she showed to certain of her companions and afterwards
sent by a Herald from Blois to the camp of Saint-Laurent-des-Orgerils.
This letter was addressed to King Henry, to the Regent and to the
three chiefs, who, since Salisbury's death, had been conducting the
siege, Scales, Suffolk, and Talbot. The following is the text of
it:[882]
[Pg i.245]
† Jhesus Maria †
King of England, and you, Duke of Bedford, who call yourself
Regent of the realm of France,—you, Guillaume de la Poule,
Earl of Sulford; Jehan, Sire de Talebot, and you Thomas,
Sire d'Escales, who call yourselves Lieutenants of the said
Duke of Bedfort, do right in the sight of the King of
Heaven. Surrender to the Maid sent hither by God, the King
of Heaven, the keys of all the good[883] towns in France
that you have taken and ravaged.[884] She is come here in
God's name to claim the Blood Royal.[885] She is ready to
make peace if so be you will do her satisfaction by giving
and paying back to France what you have taken from[Pg i.246]
her.[886] And you, archers, comrades-in-arms, gentle and
otherwise,[887] who are before the town of Orléans, go ye
hence into your own land, in God's name. And if you will
not, then hear the wondrous works[888] of the Maid who will
shortly come upon you to your very great hurt. And you, King
of England, if you do not thus, I am a Chieftain of
war,—and in whatsoever place in France I meet with your
men, I will force them to depart willy nilly; and if they
will not, then I will have them all slain. I am sent hither
by God, the King of Heaven, body for body, to drive them all
out of the whole of France. And if they obey, then will I
show them mercy. And think not in your heart that you will
hold the kingdom of France [from] God,[Pg i.247] the King of Heaven,
Son of the Blessed Mary, for it is King Charles, the true
heir, who shall so hold it. God, the King of Heaven, so
wills it, and he hath revealed it unto King Charles by the
Maid. With a goodly company the King shall enter Paris. If
ye will not believe these wondrous works wrought by God and
the Maid, then, in whatsoever place ye shall be, there shall
we fight. And if ye do me not right, there shall be so great
a noise as hath not been in France for a thousand years. And
know ye that the King of Heaven will send such great power
to the Maid, to her and to her good soldiers, that ye will
not be able to overcome her in any battle; and in the end
the God of Heaven will reveal who has the better right. You,
Duke of Bedfort, the Maid prays and beseeches you that you
bring not destruction upon yourself. If you do her right,
you may come in her company where the French will do the
fairest deed ever done for Christendom. And if ye will have
peace in the city of Orléans, then make ye answer; and, if
not, then remember it will be to your great hurt and that
shortly. Written this Tuesday of Holy Week.
Such is the letter. It was written in a new spirit; for it proclaimed
the kingship of Jesus Christ and declared a holy war. It is hard to
tell whether it proceeded from Jeanne's own inspiration or was
dictated to her by the council of ecclesiastics. On first thoughts one
might be inclined to attribute to the priests the idea of a summons,
which is a literal application of the precepts of Deuteronomy:
"When thou comest nigh unto a city to fight against it, then proclaim
peace unto it.
"And it shall be, if it make thee answer of peace, and open unto thee,
then it shall be, that all the people[Pg i.248] that is found therein shall be
tributaries unto thee, and they shall serve thee.
"And if it will make no peace with thee, but will make war against
thee, then thou shalt besiege it:
"And when the Lord thy God hath delivered it into thine hands, thou
shalt smite every male thereof with the edge of the sword:
"But the women, and the little ones, and the cattle, and all that is
in the city, even all the spoil thereof, shalt thou take unto
thyself." (Deuteronomy xx, 10-14.)
But at least it is certain that on this occasion the Maid is
expressing her own sentiments. Afterwards we shall find her saying: "I
asked for peace, and when I was refused I was ready to fight."[889]
But, as she dictated the letter and was unable to read it, we may ask
whether the clerks who held the pen did not add to it.
Two or three passages suggest the ecclesiastical touch. Afterwards the
Maid did not remember having dictated "body for body," which is quite
unimportant. But she declared that she had not said: "I am chief in
war" and that she had dictated: "Surrender to the King" and not
"Surrender to the Maid."[890] Possibly her memory failed her; it was
not always faithful. Nevertheless she appeared very certain of what
she said, and twice she repeated that "chief in war" and "surrender to
the Maid" were not in the letter. It may have been that the monks who
were with her used these expressions. To these wandering priests a
dispute over fiefs mattered little, and it was not their first concern
to bring King Charles into the possession of his inheritance.
Doubtless they[Pg i.249] desired the good of the kingdom of France; but
certainly they desired much more the good of Christendom; and we shall
see that, if those mendicant monks, Brother Pasquerel and later Friar
Richard, follow the Maid, it will be in the hope of employing her to
the Church's advantage. Thus it would be but natural that they should
declare her at the outset commander in war, and even invest her with a
spiritual power superior to the temporal power of the King, and
implied in the phrase: "Surrender to the Maid ... the keys of the good
towns."
This very letter indicates one of those hopes which among others she
inspired. They expected that after she had fulfilled her mission in
France, she would take the cross and go forth to conquer Jerusalem,
bringing all the armies of Christian Europe in her train.[891] At this
very time a disciple of Bernardino of Siena, Friar Richard, a
Franciscan lately come from Syria,[892] and who was shortly to meet
the Maid, was preaching at Paris, announcing the approach of the end
of the world, and exhorting the faithful to fight against
Antichrist.[893] It must be remembered that the Turks, who had
conquered the Christian knights at Nicopolis and at Semendria, were
threatening Constantinople and spreading terror throughout Europe.[Pg i.250]
Popes, emperors, kings felt the necessity of making one great effort
against them.
In England it was said that between Saint-Denys and Saint-George there
had been born to King Henry V and Madame Catherine of France a boy,
half English and half French, who would go to Egypt and pluck the
Grand Turk's beard.[894] On his death-bed the conqueror Henry V was
listening to the priests repeating the penitential psalms. When he
heard the verse: Benigne fac Domine in bona voluntate tua ut
ædificentur muri Jerusalem, he murmured with his dying breath: "I
have always intended to go to Syria and deliver the holy city out of
the hand of the infidel."[895] These were his last words. Wise men
counselled Christian princes to unite against the Crescent. In France,
the Archbishop of Embrun, who had sat in the Dauphin's Council, cursed
the insatiable cruelty of the English nation and those wars among
Christians which were an occasion of rejoicing to the enemies of the
Cross of Christ.[896]
To summon the English and French to take the cross together, was to
proclaim that after ninety-one years of violence and crime the cycle
of secular warfare had come to an end. It was to bid Christendom
return to the days when Philippe de Valois and Edward Plantagenet
promised the Pope to join together against the infidel.
But when the Maid invited the English to unite with the French in a
holy and warlike enterprise, it[Pg i.251] is not difficult to imagine with what
kind of a reception the Godons would greet such an angelic summons.
And at the time of the siege of Orléans, the French on their side had
good reasons for not taking the cross with the Coués.[897]
The learned did not greatly appreciate the style of this letter. The
Bastard of Orléans thought the words very simple; and a few years
later a good French jurist pronounced it coarse, heavy, and badly
arranged.[898] We cannot aspire to judge better than the jurist and
the Bastard, both men of erudition. Nevertheless, we wonder whether it
were not that her manner of expression seemed bad to them, merely
because it differed from the style of legal documents. True it is that
the letter from Blois indicates the poverty of the French prose of
that time when not enriched by an Alain Chartier; but it contains
neither term nor expression which is not to be met with in the good
authors of the day. The words may not be correctly ordered, but the
style is none the less vivacious. There is nothing to suggest that the
writer came from the banks of the Meuse; no trace is there of the
speech of Lorraine or Champagne.[899] It is clerkly French.
[Pg i.252] While Isabelle de Vouthon had gone on a pilgrimage to Puy, her two
youngest children, Jean and Pierre, had set out for France to join
their sister, with the intention of making their fortunes through her
or the King. Likewise, Brother Nicolas of Vouthon, Jeanne's cousin
german, a monk in priest's orders in the Abbey of Cheminon, joined the
young saint.[900] To have thus attracted her kinsfolk before giving
any sign of her power, Jeanne must have had witnesses on the banks of
the Meuse; and certain venerable ecclesiastical personages, as well as
noble lords of Lorraine, must have answered for her reputation in
France. Such guarantors of the truth of her mission were doubtless
those who had instructed her in and accredited her by prophecy.
Perhaps Brother Nicolas of Vouthon was himself of the number.
In the army she was regarded as a holy maiden. Her company consisted
of a chaplain, Brother Jean Pasquerel;[901] two pages, Louis de Coutes
and Raymond;[902] her two brethren, Pierre and Jean; two heralds,
Ambleville and Guyenne;[903] two squires, Jean de Metz and Bertrand de
Poulengy.
Jean de Metz kept the purse which was filled by the crown.[904] She
had also certain valets in her service. A squire, one Jean d'Aulon,
whom the King gave her[Pg i.253] for a steward, joined her at Blois.[905] He
was the poorest squire of the realm. He was entirely dependent on the
Sire de La Trémouille, who lent him money; but he was well known for
his honour and his wisdom.[906] Jeanne attributed the defeats of the
French to their riding forth accompanied by bad women and to their
taking God's holy name in vain. And this opinion, far from being held
by her alone, prevailed among persons of learning and religion;
according to whom the disaster of Nicopolis was occasioned by the
presence of prostitutes in the army, and by the cruelty and
dissoluteness of the knights.[907]
On several occasions, between 1420 and 1425, the Dauphin had forbidden
cursing and denying and blaspheming the name of God, of the Virgin
Mary and of the saints under penalty of a fine and of corporal
punishment in certain cases. The decrees embodying this prohibition
asserted that wars, pestilence, and famine were caused by blasphemy
and that the blasphemers were in part responsible for the sufferings
of the realm.[908] Wherefore the Maid went among the men-at-arms,
exhorting them to turn[Pg i.254] away the women who followed the army, and to
cease taking the Lord's name in vain. She besought them to confess
their sins and receive divine grace into their souls, maintaining that
their God would aid them and give them the victory if their souls were
right.[909]
Jeanne took her standard to the Church of Saint-Sauveur and gave it to
the priests to bless.[910] The little company formed at Tours was
joined at Blois by ecclesiastics and monks, who, on the approach of
the English, had fled in crowds from the neighbouring abbeys, and were
now suffering from cold and hunger. It was generally thus. Monks were
for ever flocking to the armies. Many churches and most abbeys had
been reduced to ruin. Those of the mendicants, built outside the
towns, had all perished,—plundered and burnt by the English or pulled
down by the townsfolk; for, when threatened with siege, the
inhabitants always dealt thus with the outlying portions of their
town. The homeless monks found no welcome in the cities, which were
sparing of their goods; they must needs take the field with the
soldiers and follow the army. From such a course their rule suffered
and piety gained nothing. Among mercenaries, sumpters and camp
followers, these hungry nomad monks lived an edifying life. Those who
accompanied the Maid were doubtless neither worse nor better than[Pg i.255] the
rest, and as they were very hungry their first care was to eat.[911]
The men-at-arms were much too accustomed to seeing monks and nuns
mingling side by side in the army to feel any surprise at the sight of
the holy damsel in the midst of a band so disreputable. It is true
that the damsel was said to work wonders. Many believed in them;
others mocked and said aloud: "Behold the brave champion and captain
who comes to deliver the realm of France."[912]
The Maid had a banner made for the monks to assemble beneath and
summon the men-at-arms to prayer. This banner was white, and on it
were represented Jesus on the Cross between Our Lady and Saint
John.[913] The Duke of Alençon went back to the King to make known to
him the needs of the company at Blois. The King sent the necessary
funds; and at length they were ready to set out.[914] At the start
there were two roads open, one leading to Orléans along the right bank
of the Loire, the other along the left bank. At the end of twelve or
fourteen miles the road along the right bank came out on the edge of
the Plain of La Beauce, occupied by the English who had garrisons at
Marchenoir, Beaugency, Meung, Mont[Pg i.256]pipeau, Saint-Sigismond, and
Janville. In that direction lay the risk of meeting the army, which
was coming to the aid of the English round Orléans. After the
experience of the Battle of the Herrings such a meeting was to be
feared. If the road along the left bank were taken, the march would
lie through the district of La Sologne, which still belonged to King
Charles; and if the river were left well on one side, the army would
be out of sight of the English garrisons of Beaugency and of Meung.
True, it would involve crossing the Loire, but by going up the river
five miles east of the besieged city a crossing could conveniently be
effected between Orléans and Jargeau. On due deliberation it was
decided that they should go by the left bank through La Sologne. It
was decided to take in the victuals in two separate lots for fear the
unloading near the enemy's bastions should take too long.[915] On
Wednesday, the 27th of April, they started.[916] The priests in
procession, with a banner at their head, led the march, singing the
Veni creator Spiritus.[917] The Maid rode with them in white armour,
bearing her standard. The men-at-arms and the archers followed,
escorting six hundred wagons of victuals and ammunition and four
hundred head of cattle.[918] The long line of lances, wagons, and
herds defiled over the Blois bridge into the vast plain beyond. The
first day the army covered twenty miles of rutty road. Then[Pg i.257] at
curfew, when the setting sun, reflected in the Loire, made the river
look like a sheet of copper between lines of dark reeds, it
halted,[919] and the priests sang Gabriel angelus.
That night they encamped in the fields. Jeanne, who had not been
willing to take off her armour, awoke aching in every limb.[920] She
heard mass and received communion from her chaplain, and exhorted the
men-at-arms always to confess their sins.[921] Then the army resumed
its march towards Orléans.
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